Nailing a Cost Element in the Young’s Plight

Various data points show an affordability crunch for younger Americans. Although these measures have been challenged, it’s obvious that in popular metro areas, prices have escalated quickly and with political effects. But are these age cohorts at the same time choosing to outspend previous generations on rather optional costs of living?

Many have noted the “$8 lattes” and other to-go beverage buys. Food deliveries are popular among a set that is mostly able-bodied enough to hoof it themselves. And, of course, there are the all-but-compulsory iPhone iterations.

One other obsession is widely evident on American city streets and it falls in the category of “personal care.”

Trade research data suggest that nail salons have burgeoned as a business in recent decades to serve a clientele concentrated in ages 40 and below. The mani/pedi stops (with occasional neck and shoulder massages) continue to foster job opportunities for an immigrant (characteristically Vietnamese) service sector that has grown by a fourth in licensed technicians in two decades, to about 400,000.

The continued increase in receipts–almost doubling from what was already an active field in the early 2000s–is sometimes ascribed to greater concern for sanitary or otherwise healthful applications, or to “busy professionals” needing to wedge in treatments. A more likely explanation is that various social factors, including media sharing, have encouraged a greater consciousness of relatively minor personal cues.

To be sure, the overall hair and beauty business is a long-standing one with visits from all age groups. So, the salon statistics can be squishy when accounting for pre- or post-Millennial consumers. But the best data suggest–not surprisingly–that those in the peak “attraction” ages are the biggest market. (Less often, the young cohort’s quest can also take the form of techniques such as prophylactic Botox injections for skin condition.) Of note, this type of expense is borne by a largely but not exclusively female clientele–indeed, men may account for a quarter of some nail procedures.

The same data sets indicate this habit extends outside the U.S., to much of affluent Asia and Europe, although it apparently is less common in countries such as France, where by reputation a less ostentatious approach to beauty and fashion is practiced. “Flyover” parts of this country seem also to lag behind in mani/pedi demand.

One is left to wonder how previous generations managed an appealing look and upkeep at less outright cost. Perhaps, as with obtaining food, there was more self-service. In any case, should we begrudge a $25 to $70 nails tab every week or two?

Only if, together with all the other routine indulgences of the age, this phenomenon helps to explain why a large and evidently growing portion of the population can’t keep up with rents, loans and other financial facts of life.

NY Struggles With the Grocery Checkout

Some people are bothered by self-checkout options at retailers, and in a place like New York, this means that legislators will try to “address their concerns.” Now, it’s not surprising that retail-staff unions would voice such objections, but the beef that others have is more vague. Some want to support the clerks, but there’s also fear the automation (actually just customer use of automation) will lead to errors, enrich corporations or just diminish humanity in the shopping experience. Hello, Amazon? Not all retailers have embraced the practice–Trader Joe’s is one notable holdout, while Aldi has pulled back–and others have found they need to employ additional security to combat cheating/thievery. Not content to let the market decide, however, lawmakers have favored proportional limits on self-checkout grocery registers or now, with this bill by a Brooklyn assemblywoman, a mandatory 10% discount for those who choose them. I’m not sure she realizes this pricing differential would increase the demand (and lengthen the lines) for self-checkout, or that it most likely would inspire merchants instead to charge more for clerk help–which is what they’d wish to do anyway. But no matter, the bill surely will attract further tinkering in the days ahead. At least Albany–unlike the nabobs of neighboring New Jersey–never got around to outlawing self-pump gasoline.

https://www.whec.com/top-news/new-york-state-bill-targets-self-checkout-savings-at-major-retailers-including-wegmans-costco-and-walmart

Who’ll Celebrate Generational Political Gains?

A younger generation of politicians is scoring victories around the U.S. on the back of grievances about affordability and a perceived narrowing of longtime avenues of opportunity. This upheaval has reached Congress and been most noticeable among Democrats, especially progressives or socialists.

Although many Millennial and Gen Z Americans stand ultimately to reap considerable inheritances from the wealth amassed by their elders, there’s indeed a generational-equity concern for the next decade at least. And part of that inequity is the result of traditional breaks extended to “seniors” at the federal, state and local levels–a legacy of the days when fixed-income households lagged behind the general population.

This imbalance no longer applies generally, thanks to COLA-based pensions and especially to the rise in equity and other asset prices, such as homes. Universal favoritism toward the elderly, loosely defined (the American Association of Retired Persons–AARP–is “dedicated” to those over 50), isn’t justified. Means testing for all benefits is appropriate, not just for outright transfer programs. But this has been politically toxic, thanks to lobbies such as AARP and mainstream elected officials. Social Security is a prime example.

Might the new wave winning office change the calculus? So far, not so good. The Democratic Socialists of America, for example, appears to oppose the idea of means tests–it wants to expand public-benefit levels across the board. This reflects a preference for massive tax increases over any re-slicing of the fiscal pie. As yet, however, no sea change in favor of European levels of taxation is evident in the broader American polity. Unless and until that occurs, only a shift of the spoils is going to square accounts for younger cohorts who sense they’re being shut out. –June 28, 2026

Chase, Fintech and a Dinosaur’s Paper Checks

Citigroup chair and CEO Jane Fraser, speaking at an event at the Council of Foreign Relations last evening, got around to fintech competition, leaving me thinking of a peeve I have with her biggest rival, J.P. Morgan Chase.

Noting that Citi has the largest global physical presence of any U.S. commercial bank, Fraser observed that especially abroad, customers are demanding instant digital ease in transferring sums among various financial accounts. They do so, in part, because their own currencies are wobbly and because they want always to have their money “at work” (earning yields). Well, good for Citi (although I’ve had my own electronic issues with one of its credit cards and quit using it as a result). But at Chase, America’s No. 1, bigger barriers at retail still exist.

To explain: Per Fraser, I care about yield, so when making large payments to Chase (for a home mortgage, e.g.) I do so with a check from an interest-bearing account elsewhere. Yes, a paper check. Over a weekend, that means three days or more of float before the funds process. Chase, oddly among banks, doesn’t take checks as payment at its ATMs. (It does take cash…ha!) It wants me instead to pay from another Chase account, which I could do online, but Chase refuses to offer interest* on its savings accounts, so no thanks. Instead I stand in a teller line–ideally short!–to have a Chase employee fill out and put through remnant hardware a paper form with my check. This takes a few minutes of employee time, plus my time, on each visit.

Now, Fraser’s counterpart Jamie Dimon is no slouch, so I assume this kabuki with checks is an anti-fraud measure. Or maybe Chase is intent on getting me to keep big balances in dead money so I can pay its other pockets more conveniently. For now, this is a standoff. I realize that fintech will get around to extracting my check amounts on the same day, and I will have to surrender. But at present, Jamie Dimon can do some waiting along with me. –June 12, 2026

*Okay, it pays 0.01% on the liquid “saving” vehicles I’m aware of.

A Woman Who Fostered New Americans

As the immigration wrestles continue in the streets and courts and in Washington politics, America lost a great “reformer” on the matter last month. Florence Phillips died at age 95 after spending nearly 20 years helping probably thousands of newcomers to the U.S. learn the basics of belonging here and ideally become citizens.

Her English Language Learners’ (ELL) In-Home Program was based in Carson City, Nev., where in her adopted hometown Florence–a daughter of Eastern European immigrants to the Bronx–found a ready clientele. Reno’s hospitality industry provided plenty of applicants for the volunteer tutoring network that Florence established there and beyond. She attracted donations of funds as well (a wee bit from me) to cover materials and such so that her “pupils,” who usually were barely getting by, could avail the help gratis.

What they basically learned was how to be Americans–literally, in the ultimate cases, as they mastered the citizenship exam. Americanization used to be an uncontroversial objective, though now on the right and left it draws flack. (I doubt she checked anyone’s “papers.”) As a Peace Corps member well into her retirement, Florence was not easily put off by obstacles.

I learned of her efforts through a 2019 Civil Society Award from the Manhattan Institute in New York, at an occasion you can watch here, with Florence accepting. The institute bestowed such honors for several years under its former official Howard Husock.

Last year, Florence finally began to wind down, moving to Washington state with her daughter and no longer taking gifts to ELL. She tried to find a successor organization but none fit, although others around the country do similar work. Some of her tutors, however, continue on, even as the nation’s fitful embrace of immigrants takes a different shape. –June 7, 2026

40 Years of Opening Up Hamptons Public Spaces

“Public-private partnerships” usually refer to some kind of development project. But they can also be the opposite, a form of nature preservation. That’s been a frequent occurrence in recent decades on the East End of Long Island, N.Y.

One form this has taken is a willingness of civic groups to look after properties that a government body has acquired for environmental purposes. The Southampton Trails Preservation Society (STPS), now observing its 40th year of existence, does just that on parcels that were purchased by either Suffolk County or the expansive town of Southampton.

An example is the Laurel Valley county park in the hamlet of Noyac, where the STPS has fashioned a few miles of trails (as depicted above) through a 148-acre preserve. Other than a small parking lot, the area has no public facilities, not even a trash bin. There as elsewhere in the town, STPS volunteers maintain the cleared and blazed paths, supplemented only modestly by a town contractor. (As the STPS treasurer, I can attest that the donated hours constitute the lion’s share of work.)

Laurel Valley was bought by Suffolk County in the early 1990s after a 28-estate subdivision for the property was headed off. Preservation (for species or waters protection) was happening in several other “Hamptons” locales as the 1980s second-home boom took off–a response that also entailed the birth of the STPS and other trails groups. A synergy of sorts thus permitted the saved nature also to be open to public use.

Few large properties remain eligible for prospective development on Long Island, so there won’t be many sizable new synergies of this kind. But the Paumanok Path, a 125-mile walking trail from Brookhaven town to Montauk on the eastern-most tip of the South Fork, is still a work in progress, as sections that follow roads are taken instead into woodlands as small lots are acquired. (The Paumanok trail coincides with part of the Laurel Valley circuit.) Similarly, new neighborhood trails of maybe a mile in length are being created from incremental public acquisitions. So the work of the STPS and its fellow hiking groups only grows. –May 25, 2026

When the Store Goes Shopping for You

As various press reported this week, New York city and state legislators are moving to join other progressive locales in restricting “surveillance pricing,” a latest form of digitally tailored marketing. The sinister-sounding practice is an offshoot of chip technology to guide consumers toward what either they or the retailer would like to deal on. Digital being a two-way street, the store also knows more about the smartphone-enabled shopper these days, and–sensing a desire and capacity to buy a product–can adjust prices. Downward, claim the sellers–but upward, say consumerists. So in NY, there’s the irony of left-leaning pols protesting affluent customers being charged more. To be sure, that camp objects to a range of retail technologies, from self-checkout to biometric monitoring of prospective shoplifters (or “profiling,” as opponents call it). Better to keep to old ways. Why not? The Big Apple is sentimental for its traditional bodegas with their dusty, cluttered shelves, four-pawed vermin control…and fixed high prices for all.

Fretting Before Long Island Officials Buy the Farm

Farmland and other open-space preservations are becoming more limited opportunities on the East End of Long Island, N.Y., despite abundant tax money now available for such purchases. The main reason is a dwindling number of such parcels, even as competing bids for residential real-estate development escalate. But sometimes the hangup is disagreement over just what the preservation would entail–neighbors can often seek to impose their wishes. A case in point can be seen in this week’s Newsday report on an apparently foiled buy of 10 acres in the North Fork hamlet of South Jamesport. The land, near Peconic Bay, appears to be nothing more than a fallow farm plot of the sort that is disappearing in favor of luxury homes–in fact, four of them are on the drawing boards. Suffolk County thought it would acquire the parcel instead, but wanted the town of Riverhead (which contains the hamlet) to look after it. Some neighbors suspected the county had ideas for inviting bay beachgoers from who knows where to stage there (even though it’s quite a hike to the water). Riverhead officials, who are on a frugal bent, didn’t want the management costs, either. So the plan seems to have fizzled. Preservation deals often involve several parties, both governmental and nonprofit such as the Peconic Land Trust, whose leader knows they can be fraught. Even when they basically go through, as in the recent $56 million acquisition of a 30-acre historic farm in the East Hampton hamlet of Wainscott, the demands over how to proceed rattle on. –May 12, 2026

Suffolk County’s bid to save North Fork land falls through – Newsday

A Ticket Master Talks Olympics Sense

A few decades ago, I visited Fred Rosen, then the chief of Ticketmaster and–as now–an unrepentant advocate of market or “dynamic” pricing for commercial events. Here in this brief LA Times interview he reappears, defending the steep charge for seats to witness the 2028 Olympics–very much a commercial enterprise. The point he makes also applies to the current controversy over fees associated with the World Cup staging, soon to be held in New Jersey and elsewhere. If the aim of the “gouging” is to recoup or avoid the costs imposed on local citizens to host such spectacles, then by all means hit the fanatical followers up for a few thousand. Millions of others will be able to view most of the action on free or streaming video. Back to Rosen–I always thought that he was a business genius, in an entertainment industry that is full of phony sentiment. –May 1, 2026

https://link.latimes.com/view/65329feb25b3640666b01d18r2pt2.2j14/da996d0c

Republicans Turn Out the Lights in East Hampton

Another epitaph for the “old Republican Party” was written this week in the township of East Hampton, N.Y., where no GOP candidate has filed for the top position, supervisor, in the November election. This story in the East Hampton Star lays out the contemporary context of the party’s demise there, which mirrors what has happened in other affluent burghs across the U.S. The shift in East Hampton (which includes hamlets such as Montauk and Amagansett) began earlier than most–in the 1970s as the area grew more closely connected to New York City and land-preservation issues emerged. But the state Assembly Speaker, Perry Duryea, hailed from there, and Republican candidates were still competitive for supervisor (occasionally winning) and victorious down ballot. No supervisorial nominee was found in 2013 but the circumstances were unusual and the party still captured five town positions that year. This year another wipeout is virtually assured. ICE raids on the immigrant population have further roiled locals this year (East Hampton’s school rolls are half Latino), and campaign money is increasingly the domain of Democrats. Periodically, Donald Trump alights in Southampton town, to the west, for fundraisers–if not so many votes–but he needn’t bother trekking the extra 10 miles to Long Island’s tip. –Apr. 25, 2026

https://www.easthamptonstar.com/government/2026422/its-official-no-republican-east-hampton-town-supervisor