Why Only a Few Fly to the Hamptons

If in 2023 we are commemorating notable anniversaries in the preservation of Long Island’s East End—the 40th of the Peconic Land Trust and the 30th of Southampton Town’s wetlands building restrictions—it may be time to look farther back, 75 years, to another pivotal sequence of events. These speak to why there is no commercial jetport accommodating the Hamptons.

First a necessary nod:  There is MacArthur Airport in Ronkonkoma, 35 miles west of the Shinnecock Canal demarcation line, where various commercial carriers have tried to establish a foothold. And there is the East Hampton Airport in Wainscott, controversial enough even with only private planes and ticketed helicopter service. But there is no airliner access convenient enough to funnel material numbers to the area, just as there are no vehicle bridges to bring in multitudes from across Long Island Sound.  Both could have happened, however, and life would be much different “out East” today if they had.

An airport almost did get set in motion, and that tale is still reverberating. Back in its farming and fishing heyday, Suffolk County had airfields, but the bigger early ones were given over to the third leg of the local mid-20th century economy year-around, the military.  The Pentagon was supported by runways in Westhampton, at an Air Force base, and northwestward in Calverton, at the Grumman Aircraft test site.

By 1948, the peace dividend from World War II was being cashed and the Pentagon’s perceived need for the Westhampton strip had ended. It was turned over, gratis, to the Suffolk County supervisors (as the government was then structured) for the good of public aviation.  Having no immediate travel market, the supes leased a big chunk of the 1,500 acres to an intermediary of the National Aircraft Maintenance Corp. Namco, as it was called, apparently serviced one major client, the new Arabian American Oil Co, aka Aramco, which was ramping up its post-war fields in Saudi Arabia.  It needed engineers and roustabouts from the U.S., and brought them to Westhampton’s barracks for preparation and then put them on DC-4s for the Gulf.

Like so many Saudi deals, this one soon got rocky. By 1950 Suffolk County and Namco were at loggerheads over how the air-base property was being maintained for its larger aviation purposes.  A legal battle ensued that would last through the 1950s, but by early 1951 other foreign affairs  intervened. The U.S. was in battle again, in Korea, and the peace dividend was a casualty of the incipient Cold War.  Under a “national emergency” declaration, the Air Force took back Westhampton as a training center and “forward interception base.”

As the Korean conflict dragged on, the military occupation grew less welcome in nearby villages. As early as May 1952, Southampton school officials were complaining about low-flying aircraft.  But this was still otherwise a sleepy period in the Hamptons—so much so that a missile-launch area was quietly maintained two miles west of the base–and the Air Force stuck around through the 1960s even as Vietnam made its presence seem still less benign. By December 1969, moreover, local land had gotten more precious and was prime for the subdividing. In their last major action as Suffolk County’s governing body, the supervisors (soon to be replaced by a legislature) moved to reacquire the Air Force base as part of a planned countywide airport network.

Let’s zoom out here to appreciate the aerial “approach.” Various state and regional officials in the 1960s had big plans for the East End, and transport was part of them.  Part of the action was the aerospace industry that developed mid-island but extended east, most notably to a huge spread reaching to the Peconic River in Calverton/Wading River. The Navy (Top Gun division) had acquired the land in the Korean War period and then turned over operations to major Long Island contractor Grumman. This would last for decades, until the post-Vietnam contraction began to shrink the defense industry’s Long Island footprint.  (Also, the water-facing fifth of the property became, after the 1970s, the Calverton National Cemetery.)

But Calverton-Grumman was much in the sights of growth-minded planners for the Hamptons and the North Fork. In 1965, Gov. Nelson Rockefeller proposed the site for a fourth major New York metro area airport. This, along with other ideas Rocky had for the East End, aroused opposition and was tabled–but not before Suffolk County officials had also begun talking up some kind of jetport serving Long Island’s twin forks.

That was the context for the 1969 Suffolk move back into Westhampton. By this point, County Executive H. Lee Dennison, who had earlier surfaced the jetport ambitions, was distancing himself from anything but general aviation (private planes) there or at Calverton.  Still, he wanted to coordinate such arrangements as part of his master-planning push for the long-untutored East End. Dennison’s general-aviation airport aims included the quiet strip–still active–near Lake Montauk.

The preservationist movement that sprang up from the 1970s on took most of the remaining fuel out of air-travel expansionism for the Hamptons, but the business imperative for long-runway access hadn’t  gone away. As Grumman’s presence in Calverton neared an end in 1991, Gov. Mario Cuomo joined in a push by commercial boosters for a “limited” cargo jetport there.  East End politicians by this point wanted nothing to do with that.  So the Grumman property was turned over to the town of Riverhead, which includes the Calverton hamlet and has wrestled for 25 years with what to make of it.  More on that below.

Meanwhile, in Westhampton, the military departure was again short lived: By the end of 1970, an Air National Guard unit was posted there and a version of it (now used for rescue operations) has remained since, with Suffolk County as co-operator for private aircraft. Named in 1991 for Francis Gabreski, a wartime fighter pilot later employed by Grumman and briefly head of the Long Island Rail Road, the facility remains a favorite landing pad for official visits, including U.S. presidents coming to Hamptons political fund-raisers. Other arrivals, though, are few. Surrounding woods came to be protected by a campaign to save the area’s Pine Barrens even as equally long efforts commenced to develop a nearby business park including a (flightless) Amazon distribution center.

As that buildout project finally is reaching fruition, Calverton remains a conundrum. The old test-flight base became a cleanup project for the state and the Navy while Riverhead officials have stumbled through years of false starts on jobs-producing redevelopment. At one point a 35-story artificial ski mountain was envisioned, and various casino and auto-racing ideas have been floated. But the latest iteration of the 2,900-acre Enterprise Park known as EPCAL is technology-oriented. Seems neighbors don’t like the congestion they associate with the plans, however, and are especially leery of—you guessed it–prospective use as a cargo jetport for the tenants.

The result of these 75 years of grounded ambitions is that only the most wealthy and well-connected can fly “private” to within minutes of the East End experience, and that goods to satisfy the resident affluence must come as well by a sliver of roads and rail. Enough people and freight still make the often-slow journey, but not nearly in the turnover volumes that would have happened had the Hamptons aviation story tuned out differently.

A Korean-American Crossing

Nostalgia is a powerful draw in photography–witness the many Facebook and other social-media groups centered on vintage pictures of this or that place. So it is with a compact new exhibit at the Korea Society on Madison Avenue in New York. “Koreatown LA/NY,” running through Aug. 17, features work by Emanuel Hahn (from midtown Los Angeles) and Janice Chung (from Queens) on the industrious beginnings of those two notable Korean immigrant communities.

In this case, however, the shots are taken more recently, but with an eye toward those pre-Millennial days when the newcomers were gaining a footing–often operating businesses–in their adopted land. The photographers find remnants in neighborhoods where the initial Korean rush largely has moved on, after having signal effect in reviving tired districts. This phenomenon is framed here as one of “gentrification” (in the case of Flushing, N.Y., greatly at the hands of ethnic Chinese investment).

There’s another way of looking at these warmly captured artifacts: As another chapter in one of the astounding stories of America’s last half century, the achievements of its “Asian” minorities. For New Yorkers of 40 years ago, the “Korean delis” or greengrocers that extended far from the early enclaves in the city were the introduction to a new family enterprise. Language and licensing barriers had ruled out many other means of livelihood from the old country. But beneath the surface, the merchants’ children were in school, learning their way to different futures in the metropolis. Several attended the May 4 opening. That they have moved on from what we see in this exhibit–metaphorically and literally–is a sweet sadness.

The Korea Society Gallery hours are M-F 10 a.m-4:30 p.m., by appointment only.

Population Hotspots of Texas

In the 20th anniversary issue of the Real Deal magazine this spring, the remarkable surge of Texas exurbs is described in an article (https://therealdeal.com/magazine/national-april-2023/sultans-of-sprawl/) focusing on local developers as well as major national builders such as Lennar. It’s headlined, “Sultans of Sprawl,” but don’t expect snark even in this entertaining real-estate publication. An even-handed account of what is drawing the many relocations to Texas from around the country is readable enough. The focus here is on the new communities surrounding the state capital, Austin, and lining I-35 to Dallas and San Antonio. Three of them are among the five fastest-growing places in the U.S. Austin itself has flowered as a tech center, but its politics skew left, and many of those moving to its periphery prefer orderly environments along with their lower land costs. These “pocket communities,” as developer Ari Rastegar notes, are self-contained economies that bring a “futuristic suburbanism” that typical city enthusiasts don’t embrace (try a main street called Ronald Reagan Blvd.) but homebuyers evidently do. “You’re going to watch us take this blueprint all across the United States,” he promises. Surely, this new life isn’t for everyone, and the story notes the obvious externality of highway traffic congestion from growth, but anyone blind to what’s selling in the Sunbelt is not understanding a part of our changing America.

The Lineup Ritual for Growth-Belters

David Brooks’ latest column in the New York Times (https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/13/opinion/sun-belt-migration.html) reflects on the internal migrations of Americans that I recently addressed at this forum. He, too, sees political connotations but also quality-of-life considerations. On the latter, it’s worth noting that the plusses and minuses don’t fall cleanly on one side or the other. Let me note one phenomenon I’ve observed in high-growth Sun Belt areas: Drivers lining up for dropoffs or pickups of school children, in queues that could snake a few blocks during the morning or afternoon rushes. I’m told it’s not unusual for the combined daily waits to exceed an hour. I guess this is smartphone-time for all in the vehicle, or podcast periods, so perhaps it’s not so dreadful for them as I imagine this waste to be. Like other forms of road congestion, it’s a function of how most suburbs develop, with distances that are covered by autos rather than tight street grids that invite walking. Also, the roads often invite speeds (when traffic moves) that make it dangerous for kids to cycle along them. This comes on top of a (necessary?) trend toward chaperoning into the early teen years, whereas I recall childhood being free-range back then. From this anecdotal evidence, I conclude that young parents following the nation’s population wave have, wittingly or otherwise, bought into a lifestyle that will add another extended chauffeur duty to their daily existence of play dates, sports and hobby practices, extracurricular classes, medical appointments and whatnot. (Of course, if they have license-age nannies, it becomes a different story.) This is a long way from “it takes a village” notions of upbringing, so maybe there is a political flavor to the embrace of the school-lot lineups, after all.

A Labor Case for Managed Migration

The last generation has famously lifted millions out of poverty in rising economies such as China and India, but countless millions more lag behind, caught in societies that fail to gain a foothold on material progress. What to do for them? Lant Pritchett, an Oxford development researcher formerly of the World Bank, has an idea in the current issue of Foreign Affairs. (https://www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/global-economy-immigration-before-automation-people-over-robots) He cites studies showing that the default approach–aid programs to the lagging countries–produces scant relief, whereas voluntary migration to better opportunities has a 10X better result. And that’s even when the migrants take the lowly work that is usually on offer to them. So, suggests Pritchett, the same world institutions that try to coordinate relief (and many other global functions, from transport to public health), should convene to offer migratory work passes. The holders would come alone, stay for only a designated time, be protected from abuses, and return to their origins with a nest egg. This is obviously recognizable as a formalization of what partially happens, massively but with great uproar, around the world already. Pritchett makes the standard argument that receiving economies benefit from having gaping labor gaps filled. (He gets sidetracked, as the article’s title suggests, in a riff against automation.) What he does not address is the acute resistance in many lands to having the composition of towns and cities changed by immigration. Perhaps he has too much faith in the operation of his plan–something you might call a humane Bracero program–to see that these visits are solitary and transitory. Human beings tend to aggregate where there’s a better life. But he does make an intriguing point about the currently unrealized potential in so many of the destitute. Consider this: “…the massive expansion of education in the developing world since the 1950s means that the average adult in Haiti today [an extreme basket case] has had more schooling than the average adult in France had in 1970.”

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/global-economy-immigration-before-automation-people-over-robots

Chicago Is One Kind of Town

The geographical resorting of America continues apace–the separation of peoples based broadly on ideology. You see this population movement on both coasts, accentuated by the pandemic and remote work. It’s about other things, of course–costs, space, weather–but it’s a lot about politics. And after Tuesday’s mayoral election result in Chicago (https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/04/us/elections/chicago-mayor-election-brandon-johnson.html), we can expect more resorting in the middle of the country. A majority of the closely-divided city electorate chose a higher-tax, less-policing candidate backed by most of the powerful public-employee unions. On top of the immediate worries that conservative Chicagoans might have, there’s the ongoing pensions deficit that the city, Cook County and the state of Illinois (also dominated by Democrats of the left) are running, which is a lien on taxpayers who hang around. Unless attempts succeed to garnish the higher income of fleeing residents (moves under consideration in a few states), or a bailout from Washington is forthcoming, Illinoisans-in-place are squarely under this cloud. So the movement into “two Americas” can expect another rush. I don’t know whether this pace and degree of separation is unprecedented (obviously blacks had reason to escape the Antebellum and Jim Crow South) or necessarily harmful on balance in such an already-sundered society, but it is happening nonetheless.

When Data Don’t Compute to Equity

It is implored, by one side of America’s political divide especially, that we “follow the science.” And that is good guidance, but is it consistent politics? Perhaps not. Many on the same left side have a problem with, for example, data science. This emerges in a New York Times Magazine interview with Colin Koopman, an Oregon philosophy professor who is publishing books questioning the social impact of algorithms that increasingly guide the digital economy. (https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2023/03/20/magazine/colin-koopman-interview.html) Those codings, and indeed the data that underlie their results, get in the way of equity, Koopman suggests. “We need to be doing more work on this,” he says, by which he ultimately means legislation or regulation (“engage democratically”) that would curb their application in the various marketplaces that use them for product development and pricing. As the window quote from the piece puts it, “We’re still in this wild west, highly unregulated terrain where inequality is just piling up.” Anyone who follows the financial sector, with its challenged use of credit scoring and insurance rating, will recognize where this larger impulse to tame measurable and predictive data is going. Such use categorizes people in ways that offend widespread fairness and justice sensibilities because it condemns individuals to demographic damnation. Now, a libertarian might respond that unless a business has an irrational desire to sacrifice potential profit in pursuit of racial or other bias, it would seek to refine data as precisely as possible to weed out false signals (as, for example, some banks have done in order to extend loans to worthy applicants who don’t check all the standard boxes). But Koopman has a better idea. “A fuller approach would be reparative with respect to the ongoing reproduction of historical inequalities,” he academically puts it. So: “…systems that would take into account ways in which people are differently situated and what we can do to create a more equal playing field… .” Affirmative action, meet data entry (withhold some identifiers) or data analysis (thumb on algorithm). Maybe the zeitgeist needs to be supplemented: “Follow the social science.”

Legislative Action Is a Real Thing

Outfits on both the political left and right in the U.S. have been beefing up their digital news coverage of America’s statehouses, where lawmaking is both meaningful and sometimes quick. Just such political action was spotlighted in last week’s New York Times article (https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/09/us/michigan-democrats-right-to-work-lgbtq-guns.html) on the Michigan legislature after last November’s electoral sweep of the state by Democrats. Elections do matter. Reapportionments matter. Judicial choices that oversee balloting matter. Yet coverage in the state capitals has rarely been a media strong suit–particularly in the broadcast sector–and that’s only gotten sparer as the nation’s daily newspapers have withered. (A good, mostly-neutral national roundup of what does appear can be found at pluribusnews.com.) One reason the action at this level of government can be brisk is that many legislative sessions have compressed calendars, a vestige of when America mostly had part-time, citizen legislators. If the states are the U.S. laboratories of democracy in the federal system–an aphorism that Washington too often ignores–it’s a shame not to know what they’re cooking up.

Is Modi Chasing Away His Brightest?

Pundits are pointing to new trade potential with India as the U.S. works to disengage with much of the Communist Party-linked economy in China, but one American “export” opportunity isn’t getting enough attention: enrollment in post-secondary education.

U.S. universities, for all their widely discussed flaws, nonetheless have long been a draw to talented or wealthy foreigners. This inflow suffered mightily during the Covid pandemic, but now has resumed from most of the world (less so, China). In some cases, not only is there a “pull” to attend in America, but a “push” to escape sub-par conditions at home. India appears increasingly to be in the latter camp, and this is true even in graduate-level programs where it has famously top schools.

The reason, according to scholars here and there, is more pervasive interference in academic and intellectual affairs by the Hindu nationalist government of Narendra Modi. The problems were laid out last fall in this article by historian Ramachandra Guha. The impact was flagged last week at a Council on Foreign Relations symposium by Prof. Lisa Mitchell of the University of Pennsylvania’s Department of South Asia Studies, who noted an “explosion of applications” from Indians to U.S. programs.

The evidence at the application stage is still anecdotal–Mitchell reports a doubling at her base from past years–and even the matriculation data from last fall aren’t catalogued nationally. But the Modi effect, both from the outside on India’s institutions as well as from nationalist intimidation on the inside, has been increasingly felt. That could explain a jump to 102,000 Indian graduate students in the U.S. for the 2021-2022 term, after a string of declines pre-pandemic, to 85,000 in 2019-2020. (The trend in the smaller numbers of undergraduate is more mixed, though the most recent total of 27,545 is a high.) These figures come from the Institute of International Education’s Open Doors database.

“I’m hearing from many that there’s a feeling that India’s top universities are being destroyed (especially programs in the Humanities/Social Sciences) through political appointments of Vice Chancellors and harassment of faculty, and that universities are ceasing to be sites for the free exchange of ideas,” Prof. Mitchell emailed me.

The latest enrollment count, when it emerges, will tell an important story, as will the applications that can lead to attendance starting later this year. It is possible that graduate interest in the U.S. diminished in the U.S. from 2017 because of President Trump’s hostility to many visa-dependent employment opportunities, and has now jumped back up with perceptions of more openness. But elite Indians have all the while enjoyed access to Institute of Technology campuses (IITs) and other premium-flight options at home leading to international careers. If more choose to study–and discourse–in America instead, it is our gain and India’s loss.

–March 7, 2023

Should Your New Road Hog Be EV?

The New York Times’ climate crew produced this moral guide for prospective purchasers of Ford’s mainstay F-150 pickup truck–go electric or not? The battery-powered Lightning model, it happens, weighs 6,000 pounds or nearly 50% more than the gasoline counterparts, and that raises various issues explored in the article: Not just whether EV power needs negate the sparing of (direct) carbon emissions, but also the safety implications from when the big boys bash into humans and other objects. (Also, not noted: Heavier vehicles cause more wear and tear on roads and whatever “all terrain” they cross.) The Times gets into the “life-cycle emissions” per mile, and concludes the Lightnings “end up just as polluting as some smaller gas-burning cars.” Whether this calculation takes into account the upgrading of the electricity grid and alt-energy sourcing that will be necessary to accommodate a full fleet of American EVs in the future is not clear. Or, whether such infrastructure is even in the cards. There’s a lot to the all-electric boom that is uncertain, even as many underestimate the efficiency gains that are being made in internal-combustion engines. (Lighter materials on vehicles, such as the aluminum frames on all F-150s now, are another advancement–unless you are bothered by a new Bloomberg investigation into some Brazilian sourcing misery.) Ultimately, the quandary of how paragons of sustainability should transport themselves and their cargo comes down to this, the Times quotes: “Consumers should think about buying the highest-efficiency vehicle that still meets their needs.” At present, alas, they seem to need more and more. Link: https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2023/02/17/climate/electric-vehicle-emissions-truck-suv.html